Computer Vote-Fraud
in the United States: Ideas
to Fix ÒThe Fix in Ôo6Ó including
THE NEED FOR AN
INDEPENDENT
COMMISSION
August 2, Õ06 draft
In the ÒRigging
HistoryÓ report I described the basic facts of the e-voting crisis facing the
people of the United States. Once informed and alerted to the perils, the
reader may naturally ask, Òwhat can and should be done to bring back a system
of free and fair elections?Ó
The answer is
straightforward and simple:
First, create national legislation that bans
the use of computer and electronic machines as a method of recording and
counting a personÕs vote at the voting booth, and which also bans the use of
tabulating computers to tally the final vote count for counties and precinct
districts. Require that the states return to the former method of vote counting
done by humans, by hand counting, with al of the votes marked on paper ballots
and the ballots saved for possible later inspection or recounts.
This is the time-honored,
secure way of voting and vote counting done for hundreds of years in countries
across the world, and is the safest way to ensure that the peopleÕs will is
faithfully measured and enacted democratically.
Such legislation
would in effect be an Óanti-HAVAÓ act, reversing the mandatory use of computer
voting machines made by Diebold, E.S. & S., Sequoia, SAIC etc. and
replacing them all with paper balloting methods.
This anti-HAVA act
would be passed by congress, signed by the President, and then made the law of
the land. Ideally, this would happen as soon as possible and be done quickly,
the way the 2001 PATRIOT act was speedily passed through congress. Practically
speaking, however, the passing of a reverse-HAVA act with the current congress
is like pie-in-the-sky.
The House and Senate
both have Republican Party majorities, indeed many of those Republicans already
owe their jobs to e-vote switching of the votes favoring their candidacies and
installing them as congresspeople.
On top of this,
Democrats have on the whole shown surprisingly little concern and impetus to
solve the e-voting problems and bring back free and fair elections, despite the
fact that their own partyÕs survival and, in fact, their own jobs in the case
of elected legislators and their staffs, are at stake.
Examples of
Democratic Party lassitude and even collaboration with the Republicans on
computer vote fraud are to be found in the Maryland state senate, whose
Democratic Party majority has voted to keep Diebold voting machines in place
throughout the state and oppose bills by voting rights activists to remove the
machines and move back to a paper trail system. The Maryland case is even more
surprising given the fact that the stateÕs governor, a Republican, has called
for the replacement of the Diebold machines with a paper-auditable system, and
he has been opposed in this by the Democratic-majority state legislature.
Resistance
to fraud-prevention in the Democratic National Committee headquarters, whose
chief Howard Dean, and associates have refused to take a strong public stand on
the issue. This despite DeanÕs having been recorded on film for a documentary,
sitting with e-vote investigator Bev Harris and personally expressing dismay at
the ease with which thousands of votes can be numerically changed, fabricated
or deleted with a few keystrokes of a notebook computer in the current central
tabulating computer system of county ballot-counting centers.
Other political
parties and organizations, such as the Green Party, ÒMove OnÓ and ÒPeople for
the American Way,Ó have expressed concern, but their words and actions have
thus far been muted.
A more practical
alternative to a national voting reform bill may be laws passed at the state
level.
A grassroots anti-fraud/theft voterÕs rights
movement could have strong and immediate effects at the local levels of town
councils, assemblies, and state legislatures. With Democratic majorities still
in place in a number of state assemblies, and Democratic governors, the
enforcement of anti-computer and pro-paper ballot counting laws is at least
feasible, though the state laws may be challenged in court by Republican
forces, as conflicting with the federal HAVA act mandates of 2002.
THE NEED FOR AN
INDEPENDENT COMMISSION
The fundamental problem,
though, rears its heads when dealing with the crisis: widespread Democratic Party apathy, and also the general
apathy and co-optation of liberals and those on the left/Greens/minority
rights/voting rights action communities. We may attribute this to bad
leadership on the part of these American groups and movements, and/or to the
lack of awareness in the general public which is not being informed by the
media of the enormous and startling crisis to society, and indeed, to their
daily lives if the U.S. government and the powerful feel no need to respond to
their daily concerns and problems, since the peopleÕs ability to elect
lawmakers representing their interests, through fair voting, has been taken
away.
In my experience,
there is already a common knowledge among ordinary people that the new computer
voting machines are suspect and probably have implemented election thefts,
particularly ÒDieboldÓ machines, whose name now strikes a chord of household
recognition. The front page of USA Today recently carried an article on
e-voting that noted most Americans do not trust the electronic voting system
being made mandatory in all states, and dislike it. However, newspaper,
magazine and television reports such as this are too few and far between to
inform the average reader of the news/current events of the specifics and large
number of incidents where obvious vote fraud has already occurred with the
machines.
What is also needed
is the set-up of a commission to officially investigate, with the help of experts
on the panel and in advisory roles, to prove that massive election fraud has in
fact taken place and almost certainly will take place again unless e-voting is
outlawed and paper vote counting reinstated. This commission would call forth
witnesses and present to the media a concise, easy-to-understand report with an
alert of the danger to peopleÕs democratic rights, and an urgent appeal made
both nationally and internationally.
Historical examples
of human rights/civil rights commissions of great value to society include the
Knapp Commission, formed to investigate corruption in the New York City Police
Department in 1971, and the Mollen Commission of 1992 created for the same
purpose. These two commissions, led by city government officials, exposed extensive
and systematic bribery, racketeering, drug dealing, theft, brutality and a
Òcode of silenceÓ within the USAÕs largest city police force, and made
recommendations on how these abuses could be corrected.
The South Africa
Truth and Reconciliation Commission, created in the post-Apartheid Era,
successfully exposed many previously unsubstantiated suspicions, and some
completely unknown, secret aspects of the white apartheid regimeÕs human rights
abuses including torture, abduction-murders, and violation of the laws of war
with regard to the use of biological and chemical weapons.
The Bertrand Russell
Vietnam War Crimes Tribunal, formed in 1966, included an international panel of
renowned philosophers, scientists, writers and legal experts, and played a significant
role in raising public awareness of the mass atrocities then taking place in
the Vietnam War, although as a body independent of government, it had no power
to enforce sanctions. There were two heads of state sitting in judgment on the
Russell Tribunal: Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia and the former president
of Mexico, Lazaro Cardenas.
An independent
commission to investigate and document systematic, nationwide computer vote
fraud, and election theft, would be comprised of a panel of experts with power
to call forth witness and seek out an, archive and present relevant documentary
material such as videos, audio recordings, internal government and corporate
files, filmed whistleblower and eyewitness testimony and so on.
Among the vote fraud
commissionÕs aims would be to determine:
1) Did centrally
organized, systematic vote fraud illicitly give a false electoral vote count,
and thus the presidency, to George W. Bush in the 2004 election?
2) Did such centrally
rigged vote fraud also give a false popular vote ÒvictoryÓ count to George W.
Bush in the 2004 election?
3) Has computer vote
fraud resulted in false victories for Republican congressional candidates in
the 2002 and 2004 elections?
4) How is election theft
made possible by the hardware and software devices in U.S. computer vote
machines, and is there proof that vote fraud and election rigging has been done
with these machines?
5) Has there been a
widespread cover-up and intimidation of whistleblowers/witnesses with respect
to the perpetration of e-vote rigging and creating false vote tallies?
NOTES:
One possible model
for such a commission is the Bertrand Russell Vietnam War Crimes Tribunal
created to investigate and document Vietnam and has as its goals the proposal
of a government commission with full powers of subpoena.
The Civil Rights Act
of 1965 empowers the President to appoint a Special Investigator with powers of
subpoena.
In 2000, after the Jim Crows-skewed Florida
election, Bill Clinton, an
attorney, failed to appoint a Special Prosecutor.
Sanctions and
punishment for criminal offenses.